Lexicology

HANDBOOK OF WORD-FORMATION Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory VOLUME 64 Managing Editors Marcel den Dikken, City University of New York Liliane Haegeman, University of Lille Joan Maling, Brandeis University Editorial Board Guglielmo Cinque, University of Venice Carol Georgopoulos, University of Utah Jane Grimshaw, Rutgers University Michael Kenstowicz, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Hilda Koopman, University of California, Los Angeles Howard Lasnik, University of Maryland Alec Marantz, Massachusetts Institute of Technology John J.McCarthy, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Ian Roberts, University of Cambridge The titles published in this series are listed at the end of this volume. HANDBOOK OF WORD-FORMATION Edited by PAVOL STEKAUER Pre o University, Pre ov, Slovakia ov e and ROCHELLE LIEBER University of New Hampshire, Durham, NH, U. S. A. A C. I. P. Catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN-10 ISBN-13 ISBN-10 ISBN-10 ISB N-13 ISBN-13 1-4020-3597-7 (PB) 978-1-4020-3597-5 (PB) 1-4020-3595-0 (HB) 1-4020-3596-9 (e-book) 978-1-4020-3595-1 (HB) 978-1-4020-3596-8 (e-book) Published by Springer, P.O. Box 17, 3300 AA Dordrecht, The Netherlands. www. springeronline. com Printed on acid-free paper All Rights Reserved  © 2005 Springer No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work. Printed in the Netherlands. CONTENTS PREFACE CONTRIBUTORS vii 1 ANDREW CARSTAIRS-MCCARTHY: BASIC TERMINOLOGY 1. The notion of the linguistic sign 1. 1 EVIDENCE FOR THE MORPHEME-AS-SIGN POSITION IN SAUSSURE’S COURS 1. 2 EVIDENCE FOR THE WORD-AS-SIGN POSITION IN SAUSSUREà ¢â‚¬â„¢S COURS Morpheme and word 2. 1 CASE STUDY: ENGLISH NOUN PLURAL FORMS (PART 1) 2. 2 CASE STUDY: THE PERFECT PARTICIPLE FORMS OF ENGLISH VERBS 2. 3 CASE STUDY: ENGLISH NOUN PLURAL FORMS (PART 2) 2. 4 COMPLEMENTARY DISTRIBUTION AND INFLECTION VERSUS DERIVATION ‘Morphemes’ since the 1960s 5 5 7 8 10 11 14 17 18 20 25 25 2. 3. ELLEN M. KAISSE: WORD-FORMATION AND PHONOLOGY 1. Introduction vi 2.CONTENTS Effects of lexical category, morphological structure, and affix type on phonology 2. 1 EFFECTS OF LEXICAL CATEGORY AND OF MORPHOLOGICAL COMPLEXITY 2. 2 COHERING AND NON-COHERING AFFIXES Morphology limited by the phonological form of the base of affixation Lexical phonology and morphology and its ills More recent developments of lexical phonology and morphology How do related words affect each other? The cycle, transderivational t effects, paradigm uniformity and the like Do the cohering affixes f rm a coherent set? Split bases, SUBCATWORD fo and phonetics in morphology C onclusion 26 26 28 32 34 38 39 41 45 . 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. GREGORY STUMP: WORD-FORMATION AND INFLECTIONAL MORPHOLOGY 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. The conceptual difference between inflection and word-formation The inflectional categories of English Practical criteria for distinguishing inflection from word-formation Practical criteria for distinguishing inflectional periphrases Some similarities between inflection and word-formation Complex interactions between inflection and word-formation Inflectional paradigms and word-formation paradigms 7. 1 PARADIGMS AND HEAD MARKING IN INFLECTION AND DERIVATION 7. 2 PARADIGMS AND BLOCKING IN INFLECTION AND DERIVATION 9 49 50 53 59 60 61 65 65 67 CONTENTS ANDREW SPENCER: WORD-FORMATION AND SYNTAX 1. 2. Introduction Lexical relatedness and syntax 2. 1 MORPHOTACTICS IN CLASSICAL US STRUCTURALISM 2. 2 MORPHOLOGY AS SYNTAX 2. 3 LEXICAL INTEGRITY Syntactic phenomena inside words Argument structure realization 4. 1 DEVERBAL MORPHOLOGY 4. 1. 1 Action nominals 4. 1. 2 Nominals denoting grammatical functions 4. 1. 3 -able adjectives 4. 2 SYNTHETIC COMPOUNDS AND NOUN INCORPORATION Theoretical approaches to word formation Summary and afterword vii 73 73 74 74 74 78 82 83 83 83 87 88 88 89 93 99 3. 4. 5. 6.DIETER KASTOVSKY: HANS MARCHAND AND THE MARCHANDEANS 1. 2. Introduction Hans Marchand 2. 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2. 2 SYNCHRONIC APPROACH 2. 3 MOTIVATION 2. 4 MORPHONOLOGICAL ALTERNATIONS 2. 5 THE CONCEPT OF SYNTAGMA 2. 6 GENERATIVE-TRANSFORMATIONAL INFLUENCE 2. 7 ANALYSIS OF COMPOUNDS 2. 8 PRECURSOR OF LEXICALIST HYPOTHESIS 99 100 100 100 101 102 102 104 105 106 3. Klaus Hansen 107 3. 1 GENERAL 107 3. 2 WORD-FORMEDNESS VS. WORD-FORMATION 107 3. 3 WORD-FORMATION PATTERN VS. WORD-FORMATION TYPE108 3. 4 ONOMASIOLOGICAL APPROACH VS. SEMASIOLOGICAL APPROACH 109 viii 4. CONTENTS Herbert Ernst Brekle 4. GENERAL 4. 2 FRAMEWORK 4. 3 BREKLE’S MODEL 4. 4 PRODUCTION AND INTERPRETATION OF COMPOUNDS Leonhard Lipka 5. 1 GENERAL 5. 2 THEORETICAL DEVEL OPMENT Dieter Kastovsky 6. 1 GENERAL 6. 2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 6. 3 WORD-FORMATION AT THE CROSSROADS OF MORPHOLOGY, SYNTAX, SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND THE LEXICON Gabriele Stein (Lady Quirk) Conclusion 109 109 110 110 112 112 112 113 114 114 115 116 116 118 125 125 126 127 128 130 132 133 133 134 136 138 141 142 143 143 5. 6. 7. 8. TOM ROEPER: CHOMSKY’S REMARKS AND THE TRANSFORMATIONALIST HYPOTHESIS 1. Nominalizations and Core Grammar 1. CORE CONTRAST 1. 2 TRANSFORMATIONS The Subject Enigma 2. 1 PASSIVE -ABILITY NOMINALIZATIONS 2. 2 -ING NOMINALIZATIONS Case Assignment 3. 1 COPING WITH EXCEPTIONS 3. 2 THEMATIC-BINDING Intriguing Issues: Aspectual Differentiation of Nominalization Affixes Where do Affixes Attach? Elaborated Phrase Structure and Nominalizations 6. 1 BARE NOMINALS: PREDICTABLE RESTRICTIONS 6. 2 HIGH -ING 6. 3 ACCUSATIVE AND -ING NOMINALIZATIONS 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. CONTENTS 7. Conclusion ix 144 SERGIO SCALISE AND EMILIANO GUEVARA: THE LEXICALIST APPROACH TO WORD-FORM ATION AND THE NOTION OF 147 THE LEXICON 1. . 3. 4. A definition A Brief History 2. 1 LEES (1960) The Lexicon Lexicalism 4. 1 HALLE (1973) 4. 2 ARONOFF (1976) 4. 2. 1The Word-based Hypothesis 4. 2. 2 Word-Formation Rules 4. 2. 3 Productivity 4. 2. 4 Restrictions on WFRs 4. 2. 5 Stratal features 4. 2. 6 Restrictions on the output of WFRs 4. 2. 7 Conditions 4. 2. 8 Summary on Word-Formation Rules Some Major Issues 5. 1 STRONG AND WEAK LEXICALISM More on the Notion of Lexicon Lexicalism Today 7. 1 INFLECTIONAL MORPHOLOGY 7. 2 SYNTACTIC MORPHOLOGY 7. 3 THE SYNTACTIC INCORPORATION HYPOTHESIS 7. 4 WORD-FORMATION AS SYNTAX 7. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY Conclusion 147 148 150 151 153 153 157 157 158 159 159 161 162 162 166 166 170 171 173 174 176 176 178 180 181 189 5. 6. 7. 8. ROBERT BEARD AND MARK VOLPE: LEXEME -MORPHEME BASE MORPHOLOGY 1. Introduction 189 x 2. CONTENTS The Three Basic Hypotheses of LMBM 2. 1 THE SEPARATION HYPOTHESIS 2. 2 THE UNITARY GRAMMATICAL FUNCTION HYPOTHESIS 2. 3 THE B ASE RULE HYPOTHESIS Types of Lexical (L-) Derivation 3. 1 COMPETENCE: GRAMMATICAL L-DERIVATION 3. 1. 1 Feature Value Switches 3. 1. 2 Functional Lexical-Derivation 3. 1. 3 Transposition 3. 1. Expressive Derivations Conclusion 189 190 191 192 194 194 194 195 198 199 200 201 207 207 208 209 209 211 211 212 214 217 219 221 225 226 226 227 229 3. 4. Appendix PAVOL STEKAUER: ONOMASIOLOGICAL APPROACH TO WORD-FORMATION 1. 2. 3. Introduction Methods of Onomasiological Research Theoretical approaches 3. 1 MILOS DOKULIL 3. 2 JAN HORECKY 3. 3 PAVOL STEKAUER 3. 3. 1 Word-formation as an independent component 3. 3. 2 The act of naming 3. 3. 3 Onomasiological Types 3. 3. 4 Conceptual (onomasiological) recategorization 3. 3. 5 An Onomasiological Approach to Productivity 3. . 6 Headedness 3. 3. 7 Summary 3. 4 BOGDAN SZYMANEK 3. 5 ANDREAS BLANK 3. 6 PETER KOCH DAVID TUGGY: COGNITIVE APPROACH TO WORD-FORMATION 233 1. Basic notions of Cognitive grammar (CG) 1. 1 THE GRAMMAR OF A LANGUAGE UNDER CG 1. 2 LEXICON AND SYNTAX 233 233 235 CONTENTS 2. Schemas and prototypes 2. 1 SCHEMAS AND ELABORATIONS 2. 2 PARTIAL SCHEMATICITY AND THE GROWTH OF SCHEMATIC NETWORKS 2. 3 PROTOTYPICALITY AND SALIENCE 2. 4 ACCESS TO THE STORE OF CONVENTIONAL KNOWLEDGE, INCLUDING NEIGHBORING STRUCTURES 2. 5 SANCTION Schemas for word formation 3. 1 SCHEMAS FOR WORDS 3. SCHEMAS FOR CLEARLY IDENTIFIABLE WORD PIECES: STEMS AND AFFIXES AND CONSTRUCTIONAL SCHEMAS M 3. 3 COMPLEX SEMANTIC AND PHONOLOGICAL POLES 3. 4 SCHEMAS FOR COMPOUNDS 3. 5 STRUCTURAL DESCRIPTIONS, CREATIVITY AND PRODUCTIVE USAGE 3. 6 SANCTION (OF VARIOUS KINDS) FROM COMPONENTS 3. 7 COMPONENTS AND PATTERNS FOR THE WHOLE; OVERLAPPING PATTERNS AND MULTIPLE ANALYSES R A 3. 8 CONSTITUENCY Overview of other issues 4. 1 VALENCE 4. 2 THE MORPHOLOGY-SYNTAX BOUNDARY 4. 3 INFLECTION VS. DERIVATION What’s special about English word formation? Conclusion: Implications of accounting for morphology by schemas i 235 235 236 238 238 239 240 240 244 246 24 8 251 254 256 257 258 258 259 260 261 262 267 267 268 268 268 270 271 272 274 274 276 3. 4. 5. 6. WOLFGANG U. DRESSLER: WORD-FORMATION IN NATURAL MORPHOLOGY 1. 2. Introduction Universal, system-independent morphological naturalness 2. 1 PREFERENCES 2. 2 PREFERENCE FOR ICONICITY 2. 3 INDEXICALITY PREFERENCES 2. 4 PREFERENCE FOR MORPHOSEMANTIC TRANSPARENCY 2. 5 PREFERENCE FOR MORPHOTACTIC TRANSPARENCY 2. 6 PREFERENCE FOR BIUNIQUENESS 2. 7 FIGURE-GROUND PREFERENCES 2. 8 PREFERENCE FOR BINARITY xii CONTENTS 2. 9 OPTIMAL SHAPE OF UNITS 2. 0 ALTERNATIVE NATURALNESS PARAMETERS 2. 11 PREDICTIONS AND CONFLICTS 276 276 277 278 279 279 280 281 285 285 285 286 287 287 290 294 298 298 301 303 304 307 311 315 315 316 317 3. 4. Typological adequacy System-dependent naturalness 4. 1 SYSTEM-ADEQUACY 4. 2 DYNAMIC VS. STATIC MORPHOLOGY 4. 3 UNIVERSAL VS. TYPOLOGICAL VS. SYSTEM-DEPENDENT NATURALNESS PETER ACKEMA AND AD NEELEMAN: WORD-FORMATION IN OPTIMALITY THEORY 1. Introduction 1. 1 OPTIMALITY THEORY 1. 2 COMPETITION IN MORPHOLOGY Competition between different morphemes 2. 1 THE BASIC CASE 2. 2 HAPLOLOGY 2. MARKEDNESS Competition between components 3. 1 ELSEWHERE CASES 3. 2 COMPETITION BETWEEN MODULES THAT DOES NOT INVOLVE THE ELSEWHERE PRINCIPLE Competition between different morpheme orders 4. 1 CONFLICTS BETWEEN LINEAR CORRESPONDENCE AND TEMPLATIC REQUIREMENTS 4. 2 CONFLICTS BETWEEN LINEAR CORRESPONDENCE AND OTHER CORRESPONDENCE CONSTRAINTS Conclusion 2. 3. 4. 5. LAURIE BAUER: PRODUCTIVITY: THEORIES 1. 2. 3. Introduction Pre-generative theories of productivity Schultink (1961) CONTENTS 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Zimmer (1964) Aronoff Natural Morphology Kiparsky (1982) Van Marle (1985) Corbin (1987) iii 318 318 321 322 323 324 324 326 327 328 330 332 335 335 335 335 336 336 339 340 340 340 341 344 345 347 348 349 349 10. Baayen 11. Plag (1999) 12. Hay (2000) 13. Bauer (2001) 14. Some threads 15. Conclusion FRANZ RAINER: CONSTRAINTS ON PRODUCTIVITY 1. 2. Introduction Universal constrain ts 2. 1 CONSTRAINTS SUPPOSEDLY LOCATED AT UG 2. 2 PROCESSING CONSTRAINTS 2. 2. 1 Blocking 2. 2. 2 Complexity Based Ordering 2. 2. 3 Productivity, frequency and length of bases Language-specific constraints 3. 1 LEVEL ORDERING 3. 2 AFFIX-SPECIFIC RESTRICTIONS 3. 2. 1 Phonology 3. 2. 2 Morphology 3. 2. 3 Syntax 3. 2. 4 Argument structure 3. 2. Semantics 3. 2. 6 Pragmatics and Sociolinguistics 3. xiv 4. Final remarks PREFACE 349 PETER HOHENHAUS: LEXICALIZATION AND I INSTITUTIONALIZATION TITUTIONALIZATION 1. 2. Introduction Lexicalization 2. 1 LEXICALIZATION IN A DIACHRONIC SENSE 2. 2 LEXICALIZATION IN A SYNCHRONIC SENSE: LISTING/LISTEDNESS 2. 3 THE LEXICON AND THEORIES OF WORD-FORMATION Institutionalization 3. 1 TERMINOLOGY 3. 2 IDEAL AND REAL SPEAKERS AND THE SPEECH COMMUNITY 3. 3 DE-INSTITUTIONALIZATION: THE END OF A WORD’S LIFE Problems 4. 1 NONCE-FORMATIONS AND NEOLOGISMS 4. 2 (NON-)LEXICALIZABILITY 4. 3 WHAT IS IN THE (MENTAL) LEXICON AND HOW DOES IT GET THERE? . 4 UNPREDIC TABLE & PLAYFUL FORMATIONS, ANALOGY, FADS, AND NEW DEVELOPMENTS 4. 5 LEXICALIZATION BEYOND WORDS 353 353 353 353 356 357 359 359 360 362 363 363 365 367 369 370 375 375 375 376 378 379 379 383 390 391 393 400 402 3. 4. ROCHELLE LIEBER: ENGLISH WORD-FORMATION PROCESSES 1. 2. Introduction Compounding 2. 1 DETERMINING WHAT COUNTS AS A COMPOUND 2. 2 ROOT COMPOUNDING 2. 3 SYNTHETIC COMPOUNDING 2. 4 STRUCTURE AND INTERPRETATION Derivation 3. 1 PREFIXATION 3. 1. 1 Negative prefixes (un-, in-, non-, de-, dis-) 3. 1. 2 Locational prefixes 3. 1. 3 Temporal and aspectual prefixes 3. 1. Quantitative prefixes 3. CONTENTS 3. 1. 5 Verbal prefixes 3. 2 SUFFIXATION 3. 2. 1 Personal nouns 3. 2. 2 Abstract nouns 3. 2. 3 Verb-forming suffixes 3. 2. 4 Adjective-forming suffixes 3. 2. 5 Collectives 3. 3 CONCLUSION 4. 5. Conversion Conclusion xv 402 403 403 406 410 413 417 418 418 422 429 429 430 431 BOGDAN SZYMANEK: THE LATEST TRENDS IN ENGLISH WORD-FORMATION 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Introduction Deriv ational neologisms Analogical formations, local analogies Changes in the relative significance of types of word-formation processes 431 Secretion of new affixes ‘Lexicalisation’ of affixes 435 436Changes in the productivity, relative productivity and scope of individual 436 affixes Semantics: changes in formative functions 438 Trends in the form of complex words 441 9. 1 CHOICE OF RIVAL AFFIXES – MORPHOLOGICAL DOUBLETS 441 9. 2 PHONOLOGICAL FORM – STRESS 443 449 459 465 SUBJECT INDEX NAME INDEX LANGUAGE INDEX PREFACE Following years of complete or partial neglect of issues concerning word formation (by which we mean primarily derivation, compounding, and conversion), the year 1960 marked a revival – some might even say a resurrection – of this important field of linguistic study.While written in completely different theoretical frameworks (structuralist vs. transformationalist), from completely different perspectives, and with different objec tives, both Marchand’s Categories and Types of Present-Day English Word-Formation in Europe and Lees’ Grammar of English Nominalizations instigated systematic research in the field. As a result, a large number of seminal works emerged over the next decades, making the scope of wordt formation research broader and deeper, thus contributing to better understanding of this exciting area of human language.Parts of this development have been captured in texts or ‘review’ books (e. g. P. H. Matthews’ Morphology: An Introduction to the Theory of Word-Structure (1974), Andrew Spencer’s Morphological Theory: An Introduction to Word Structure in Generative Grammar (1991), Francis Katamba’s Morphology (1993), r Spencer and Zwicky’s Handbook of Morphology (1998)), but these books tend to discuss both inflectional and derivational morphology, and to do so mostly from the generative point of view.What seemed lacking to us was a volume intende d for advanced students and other researchers in linguistics which would trace the many strands of study – both generative and non-generative – that have developed from Marchand’s and Lees’ seminal works, on both sides of the Atlantic. The ambitions of this Handbook of Word-formation are four-fold: 1. To map the state of the art in the field of word-formation. 2. To avoid a biased approach to word-formation by presenting different, mutually complementary, frameworks within which research into wordformation has taken place. vii xviii 3. 4. PREFACE To present the specific topics from the perspective of experts who have significantly contributed to the respective topics discussed. To look specifically at individual English word formation processes and review some of the developments that have taken place since Marchand’s comprehensive treatment forty five years ago. Thus, the Handbook provides the reader with the state of the art in the study of k wor d formation (with a special view to English word formation) at the eginning of the third millennium. The Handbook is intended to give the reader a clear idea of the k large number of issues examined within word-formation, the different methods and approaches used, and an ever-growing number of tasks to be disposed of in future research. At the same time, it gives evidence of the great theoretical achievements and the vitality of this field that has become a full-fledged linguistic discipline. We wish to express our gratitude to all the contributors to the Handbook. The editors CONTRIBUTORSPeter Ackema is lecturer in linguistics at the University of Edinburgh. He has worked extensively on issues regarding the morphology-syntax interface, on which he has published two books, Issues in Morphosyntax (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1999), and Beyond Morphology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004, co-authored with Ad Neeleman). He has also published on a wide range of syntaxinternal and mo rphology-internal topics. Laurie Bauer holds a personal chair in Linguistics at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand.He has published widely on international varieties of English, especially New Zealand English, and on aspects of morphology, including English Word-formation (Cambridge University Press, 1983), Morphological Productivity (Cambridge University Press, 2001), Introducing Linguistic Morphology (Edinburgh University Press, 2nd edn, 2003), A Glossary of Morphology (Edinburgh University Press, 2004). Robert Beard received his PhD in Slavic linguistics from the University of Michigan and taught for 35 years at Bucknell University.In 2000 he retired as the Ruth Everett Sierzega Professor of Linguistics at Bucknell to found the web-based company of language products and services, yourDictionary. com, where he is currently CEO. He is the author of The Indo-European Lexicon (Amsterdam: NorthHolland, 1981) and Lexeme-Morpheme Base Morphology (New York: SUNY Press, 1995). Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy is Professor in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand. He is the author of Allomorphy in Inflexion (London: Croom Helm, 1987), Current Morphology (London and New York: Routledge, 1992) and An Introduction to English Morphology (Edinburgh:Edinburgh University Press, 2002). He is also interested in language evolution, and has published The Origins of Complex Language: An Inquiry into the Evolutionary Beginnings of Sentences, Syllables and Truth (Oxford: OUP, 1999). 1 2 CONTRIBUTORS Wolfgang Dressler is Professor of linguistics, Head of the Department of r Linguisics at the University of Vienna and of the Commission for Linguistics of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. He is the author of Morphonology (Ann Arbor: Karoma Press, 1985) and Morphopragmatics (with Lavinia Merlini Barbaresi) (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1994).Emiliano Guevara is lecturer of General Linguistics at the University of Bologna and is member of the Mor- Bo reserach group at the Department of Foreign languages in Bologna. His publications include â€Å"V-Compounding in Dutch and Italian† (Cuadernos de Linguistica, Instituto Universitario Ortega y Gasset, 1-21 (with S. Scalise) and â€Å"Selection in compounding and derivation† (to appear) (with S. m Scalise and A. Bisetto). Peter Hohenhaus is lecturer in modern linguistics at the University of Nottingham (UK).He received his PhD in English Linguistics from the University of Hamburg and has published on standardization and purism, humorology, computer-mediated communication as well as English and German word-formation, in particular nonce word-formation, including the volume Ad-hoc-Wortbildung – Terminologie, Typologie und Theorie kreativer Wortbildung im Englischen (Frankfurt, Bern etc. : Lang, 1996). Ellen M. Kaisse is Professor of Linguistics, University of Washington, Seattle. Her main fields of research include morphology-phonology and syntaxphonology interf aces, intonation, historical phonology, and Spanish phonology.She is an author of Connected speech: the interaction of syntax and phonology (Orlando: t Academic Press, 1985), Studies in Lexical Phonology (ed. with S. Hargus, Orlando: y Academic Press, 1993), â€Å"Palatal vowels, glides, and consonants in Argentinian Spanish† (with J. Harris) (Phonology 16, 1999, 117-190), â€Å"The long fall: an intonational melody of Argentinian Spanish† (In: Features and interfaces in Romance, ed. by Herschensohn, Mallen and Zagona, 2001, 147-160), and â€Å"Sympathy meets Argentinian Spanish† (In: The nature of the word: essays in honor of Paul Kiparsky, ed. by K. Hanson and S. Inkelas, MIT Press, in press).Dieter Kastovsky is Professor of English Linguistics at the University of Vienna and Director of the Center for Translation Studies. His main fields of interest include English morphology and word-formation (synchronic and diachronic), semantics, history of linguistics, a nd language typology. He is the author of Old English Deverbal Substantives Derived by Means of a Zero Morpheme (Esslingen/N. : Langer, 1968), Wortbildung und Semantik (Tubingen/Dusseldorf: k Francke/Bagel, 1982), and more than 80 articles on English morphology and wordformation (synchronic and diachronic), semantics, history of linguistics, and language typology.Rochelle Lieber is Professor of English at the University of New Hampshire. Her publications include: Morphology and Lexical Semantics HANDBOOK OF WORD-FORMATION 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2004), Deconstructing Morphology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1992), and An Integrated Theory of Autosegmental Processes (New York: SUNY Press 1987), as well as numerous articles on various aspects of word formation and the interfaces between morphology and syntax, and morphology and phonology. Ad Neeleman is Reader in Linguistics at University College London.His main research interests are case theory, the syntacti c encoding of thematic dependencies, and the interaction between syntax and syntax-external systems. His main publications include Complex Predicates (1993), Flexible Syntax (1999, with Fred Weerman), Beyond Morphology (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2004, with Peter Ackema), as well as articles in Linguistic Inquiry, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, and Yearbook of Morphology. Franz Rainer is Professor of Romance languages at the Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration.He is the author of Spanische Wortbildungslehre (Tubingen: Niemeyer, 1993) and co-editor (with Maria Grossmann) of La formazione delle parole in italiano (Tubingen: Niemeyer, 2004), both of these publications being comprehensive treatments of the word-formation in the respective languages. Tom Roeper, Professor of Linguistics at the University of Massachusetts, has written widely on morphology and language acquisiton, including compounds, nominalizations, implicit arguments, and derivationi al morphology.In the field of language aquisition, he is also Managing Editor of Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics (Kluwer), a Founding editor of Language Acquisition (Erlbaum), and also the author of Understanding and Producing Speech (London: Fontana, g 1983, co-authored with Ed Matthei), Parameter Setting (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1987, with E. Williams), Theoretical Issues in Language Acquisition (Hillsdale: Erlbaum, 1992, with H. Goodluck and J. Weissenborn), and the forthcoming The Prism of Grammar (MIT Press). Sergio Scalise is Professor of General Linguistics at the University of Bologna. He is the editor of the journal Lingue e Linguaggio.His pulications include Generative Morphology (Dordrecht: Foris, 1984), Morfologia (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), and Le lingue e il Linguaggio (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2001 (with Giorgio Graffi)). Andrew Spencer is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Language and Linguistics at the University of Essex. He has worked on various problem s of phonological and morphological theory. In addition to English, his major language area is Slavic. He is the author of Morphological Theory (Oxford: Blackwells, 1991) and co-editor (with Arnold Zwicky) of the Handbook of Morphology (Oxford: Blackwells, 1998). CONTRIBUTORS Pavol Stekauer is Professor of English linguistics in the Department of British and American Studies, Presov University, Slovakia. His research has focused on an onomasiological approach to word-formation and on the history of research into word-formation. He is the author of A Theory of Conversion in English (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1996), An Onomasiological Theory of English Word-Formation (Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1998)), and English Word-Formation. A History of Research (1960-1995).Tubingen: Gunter Narr, 2000), and the forthcoming Meaning Predictability in Word-Formation (Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins) Gregory T. Stump is Professor of English and Linguistics at the University of Kentucky. His research has focused on the development of Paradigm Function Morphology. He is the author of The Semantic Variability of Absolute Constructions (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1985), Inflectional Morphology: A Theory of Paradigm Structure (Cambridge: CUP, 2001). He is currently serving as an Associate Editor of Language and as a Consulting Editor for Yearbook of Morphology.Bogdan Szymanek is Professor of English linguistics, Head of the Department of Modern English, Catholic University of Lublin, Poland. His major research interests include morphology and its interfaces with other grammatical components, lexicology, English and Slavic languages. He is the author of Categories and categorization in morphology (RW KUL Lublin, 1988) and d Introduction to morphological analysis (PWN Warsaw, 1998 (3rd ed. )). David Tuggy has worked in Mexico with the Summer Institute of Linguistics since 1970.His main areas of interest include Nahuatl, Cognitive f grammar, translation, lexicography, and inadvertent blends and other bloopers. He is an author of The transitivity-related morphology of Tetelcingo Nahuatl; An exploration in Space grammar (UCSD Doctoral dissertation, 1981), â€Å"The affix-stem r distinction; A Cognitive grammar analysis of data from Orizaba Nahuatl† (Cognitive Linguistics 3/3, 237-300), â€Å"The thing is is that people talk that way. The question is is why? † (In: E. Casad (ed. ). 1995.Cognitive linguistics in the redwoods; the expansion of a new paradigm in linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 713-752. ), and â€Å" â€Å"Abrelatas and scarecrow nouns: Exocentric verb-noun compounds as illustrations of basic principles of Cognitive grammar† ( (International Journal of English Studies (2004) III, 25-61). Mark Volpe is a Ph. D candidate at SUNY at Stony Brook expecting to defend his dissertation on Japanese morphology in early spring 2005. He is currently a visiting lecturer in the Department of Humanities at Mie National U niversity in Tsu, Japan.He has published independently in Lingua and Snippets and has coauthored with Paolo Acquaviva, Mark Aronoff and Robert Beard. BASIC TERMINOLOGY ANDREW CARSTAIRS-MCCARTHY 1. THE NOTION OF THE LINGUISTIC SIGN In this introductory chapter I will discuss the notions ‘morpheme’ and ‘sign’ in relation to word-formation. The starting-point will be Ferdinand de Saussure’s notion ‘sign’ (signe) (Saussure 1973), which since the early twentieth century has influenced enormously how linguists have analysed words and parts of words as grammatical units.There will be no tidy conclusion, partly because Saussure himself was vague on crucial points, and partly because among contemporary linguistic theorists there is little agreement about even the most fundamental aspects of how word-formation should be analysed and what terminology should be used in describing it. But I hope that this chapter will alert readers to some of the mai n risks of misunderstanding that they are sure to encounter later. 1 A handbook of English syntax in the twenty-first century would not be likely to begin with a discussion of Saussure. Why then does it make sense for a handbook on word-formation to do so?There are two reasons. The first is that syntax is centrally concerned not with individual signs in Saussure’s sense but with combinations of signs. That makes it sound as if word-formation, by contrast, is concerned not with combinations of signs but only with individual signs. As to whether that implication is attractive or not, readers can in due course form their own opinions. For the present, it is enough to say that, in the opinion of most but not all linguists, the way in which meaningful elements are combined in syntax is different from how they are combined in complex words.The second reason has to do with Saussure’s distinction between language as social convention (langue) and language as ( utterance (parol e). Each language as langue belongs to a community of speakers and, because it is a social convention, individuals have no control over it. On the other hand, language as parole is something that individual speakers have control over; it consists of the use that individuals freely make of their langue in the sentences and phrases that they utter.Hence, because syntax is concerned with the structure of sentences and phrases, Saussure seems to have considered the study of syntax as belonging to the study of parole, not langue (the exception being those sentences or phrases that are idioms or cliches and which therefore belong to langue because they are conventional rather than freely constructed). So, because his focus was on langue rather than parole, Saussure had little to say about syntax. 1 I will use ‘Saussure’ in this chapter as shorthand for ‘Saussure’s view as presented in the Cours de linguistique generale’.The Cours is a posthumous compilatio n based on notes of various series of lectures that Saussure delivered over a number of years. Apparent inconsistencies in the Cours may be due to developments in Saussure’s thinking over time or faulty note-taking on the part of the compilers or both. Nevertheless, it is the Cours as a whole that has influenced subsequent linguists, and on that basis it is fair to discuss it as if it were created by one author as a single coherent work. 5 Stekauer P. and R. Lieber (eds. ), Handbook of Word-Formation, 5—23. 2005 Springer. Printed in the Netherlands. 6 ANDREW CARSTAIRS-MCCARTHY Saussure introduced his notion ‘sign’ with a famous example: a diagram consisting of an ellipse, the upper half containing a picture of a tree and the lower half containing the Latin word arbor ‘tree’ (Saussure Cours, part 1, chapter 1; 99; r 67). 2 The upper half of the diagram is meant to represent a concept, or what the sign signifies (its signifie), while the lower h alf represents the unit of expression in Latin that signifies it (the signifiant).As Saussure acknowledges, the term ‘sign’ in its normal usage seems closer to the signifiant than the signifie, and at first one is t inclined to ask what the point is in distinguishing the signifiant from the sign as a t whole. Saussure’s answer lies largely in his view of how signs are related to each other. Signs (he says) do not function in isolation but rather have a ‘value’ (valeur) as part of a system (part 2, chapter 4; 155-69; 110-20). Concepts (signifies) do not exist in the world indepently of language but only as components of the signs to which they belong.By this Saussure does not mean that (for example) trees have no real existence apart from language, but rather that the term for the concept ‘tree’ will differ in valeur from one language to another depending on whether or not that r language has, for example, contrasting terms for the concep t ‘bush’ (a small tree) or the concept ‘timber’ (wood from trees for use in building or furniture-making). 3 Each signifie has a wider or narrower scope, according to how few or how many are the related signs that its sign contrasts with.And with signifiants, too, what matters most is not the sounds or letters that compose them but their role in distinguishing one sign from another. Thus the Attic Greek verb forms ephe:n ‘I was saying’ and este:n ‘I stood’ both have the same structure (a prefix e-, a root, and a suffix -n), but their valeur within their respective verbal paradigms is different: ephe:n is an r ‘imperfect’ tense form while este:n is ‘aorist’. So far, so good, perhaps.The Latin word arbor and the English word tree are r simple words, not analysable into smaller meaningful parts, and each is in Saussure’s terms a sign. But consider the word unhelpfulness, which seems clearly to consist of four elements, un-, help, -ful and -ness, each of which contributes in a l transparent way to the meaning of the whole. Consider also the words Londoner, Muscovite, Parisian, Roman, and Viennese, all meaning ‘inhabitant of †¦ ’, and all consisting of a stem followed by a suffix. What things count as signs here: the whole words, or the elements composing them, or both?It is at this point that Saussure’s exposition becomes frustratingly unclear, as I will demonstrate presently. Let us call these elements ‘morphemes’. This is consistent with the usage of Baudouin de Courtenay, the inventor of the term, who speaks of ‘the unification of the concepts of root, affix, prefix, ending, and the like under the common term, morpheme’ (Baudouin de Courtenay 1972: 151) and defines it as ‘that part of a word which is endowed with psychological autonomy and is for the very same reason not 2Because readers are likely to have access to Sauss ure’s Cours in various different editions and translations, I will give first a reference to the relevant part and chapter, then a page reference to the 1973 edition by Tullio de Mauro, and finally a page reference to the 1983 translation by Roy Harris. I quote passages from the Cours in the translation by Harris. I use Saussure’s original technical terms langue, parole, signifiant and signifie, for which no consistent English equivalents have become t established. 3 This illustration is mine, not Saussure’s, but is in the spirit ofSaussure’s discussion of how two English words sheep and mutton correspond to one French word mouton. BASIC TERMINOLOGY 7 further divisible’ (1972: 153). It is also consistent with rough-and-ready definitions of the kind offered in introductory linguistics courses, where morphemes are characterised as individually meaningful units which are minimal in the sense that they are not divisible into smaller meaningful units. 4 The question just posed now becomes: Do morphemes count as signs, or do only words count, or both?Much of the divergence in how the term ‘morpheme’ is used can be seen as due to implicit or explicit attempts to treat morphemes as signs, despite the difficulties that quickly arise when one does so. These are difficulties that Saussure never confronts, because the term ‘morpheme’ never appears in the Cours. In Saussure’s defence, one can fairly plead that he could not be expected to cover every aspect of his notion of the sign in introductory lectures. Yet the question that I have just posed about morphemes is one that naturally arises almost as soon as the notion of the sign is introduced.A case can be made for attributing to Saussure two diametrically opposed positions relating to the role of signs in word-formation. I will call these the morpheme-as-sign position and the word-as-sign position. I will first present evidence from the Cours for morphe mes as signs, then present evidence for words as signs. 1. 1 Evidence for the morpheme-as-sign position in Saussure’s Cours The distinction between langue and parole is far from the only important binary distinction introduced by Saussure in his Cours.Another is the distinction between syntagmatic relationships (involving elements in linear succession) and associative relationships (involving elements that contrast on a dimension of choice). 5 Elements that can be related syntagmatically include signs, and in particular the signifiants of signs, which are ‘presented one after another’ so as to ‘form a chain’ (part 1, chapter 1, section 3; 103; 70). Chains of items that form syntagmatically related combinations are called syntagmas (syntagmes) (part 2, chapter 5; 170-5; 121-5). Some syntagmas have meanings that are conventionalised or idiomatic.This conventionalisation renders them part of langue. An example is the phrase prendre la mouche (literally ‘to take the fly’), which means ‘to take offence’ (part 2, chapter 5, section 2; 172; 123). However, the great majority of phrases and sentences have meanings that are transparent, not idiomatic. As such, they belong to parole, not to langue. As examples of syntagmas that belong to parole, Saussure cites contre tous ‘against all’, la vie humaine ‘human life’, Dieu est bon ‘God is good’, and s’il fait beau temps, nous sortirons ‘if it’s fine, we’ll go out’ (part 2, chapter 5, section 1; 170; 121).These phrases and sentences do not constitute signs as wholes; rather, t 4 5 This resembles Bloomfield’s classic definition: ‘a linguistic form which bears no partial phoneticsemantic resemblance to any other form’ (1933: 161). One implication of the specification ‘partial’ is that two morphemes may display total phonetic identity (so as to be homonyms) or total semantic identity (so as to be synonyms). In the technical terminology of linguistics, the term ‘paradigmatic’, promoted by Louis Hjelmslev (1961), has come to replace ‘associative’ as the counterpart of ‘syntagmatic’.But I will stick to Saussure’s term in this chapter. 8 ANDREW CARSTAIRS-MCCARTHY they are made up of smaller signs, namely the words or idiomatic expressions that they contain. On this basis, the question ‘Do morphemes count as signs? ’ can be refined as ‘Can morphemes as such compose syntagmas that belong to parole rather than to langue? ’ At first sight, the answer is yes. In the very same passage where Saussure gives the examples just quoted, he cites the word re-lire ‘to read again’.Saussure uses the hyphen to draw attention to the divisibility of this word into two elements, re- ‘again’ and lire ‘to read’. The word relire thus has a meaning that is as tr ansparent as that of unhelpfulness. Here, at least, it seems clear that Saussure intends us to analyse the morpheme re- as a sign, forming part of a syntagma that belongs to parole rather than to langue. Further evidence for this ‘morpheme-as-sign’ position seems to be supplied by Saussure’s discussion of suffixes such as -ment and -eux, and of zero signs.The t words enseignement ‘instruction’, enseigner ‘to teach’ and enseignons ‘we teach’ t r clearly share what Saussure calls a ‘common element’. Similarly, the suffixes -ment and -eux are ‘common elements’ in the set of words enseignement, armement ‘armament’ and changement ‘change (noun)’, and in the set desir-eux ‘desirous’ t (from desir ‘desire’), chaleur-eux ‘warm’ (from chaleur ‘warmth’), and peur-eux r r ‘fearful’ (from peur ‘fear’) (part 2 , chapter 5, section 3; 173-5; 123-5). 6 These r common elements are morphemes, in terms of our rough-and-ready definition.Are they also signs, in Saussure’s sense? Saussure hints at the answer ‘yes’ when he discusses a set of instances where overt suffixes contrast with zero. In Czech, the noun zena ‘woman’ illustrates a widespread pattern in which the genitive plural form zen is differentiated from the other case-number forms, such as the accusative singular zenu and the nominative plural zeny, simply by the absence of a suffix. Here the genitive plural has as its exponent ‘zero’ or ‘the sign zero’ (part 1, chapter 3, section 3; 123-4; 86).Surely then (one is inclined to think) the accusative singular suffix -u and the nominative plural suffix -y, both being morphemes in our sense, must have at least as much right as zero has to count as signs. It is tempting to conclude that, in complex words, Saussure recognises individu al morphemes as signs provided that the complex word is regularly formed and semantically transparent. A reader of the Cours who looks for explicit confirmation of this tempting conclusion will be frustrated, however.Many complex words other than re-lire and forms of zena are discussed, but always it is in contexts that emphasise the associative relationships of the word as a whole, rather than the syntagmatic relationship between the morphemes that compose it. These discussions point away from morphemes as signs and towards words as signs, therefore. 1. 2 Evidence for the word-as-sign position in Saussure’s Cours Closely parallel in structure to relire is the verb de-faire ‘to undo’, also discussed by Saussure (part 2, chapter 6, section 2; 177-8; 127-8). Again he uses a hyphen to draw attention to its internal structure.The meaning of defaire, at least in many 6 The inconsistency in the use of hyphens here is Saussure’s. BASIC TERMINOLOGY 9 contexts, see ms just as transparent as that of relire, on the basis of the meanings of faire ‘to do’ and de- implying reversal. Indeed, Saussure draws our attention to this transparency by citing the parallel formations decoller ‘to unstick’, deplacer ‘to r r remove’ (literally ‘to un-place’) and decoudre ‘to unsew’. However, comparing the discussion of relire, we find an important difference in emphasis here. With relire, the emphasis was on syntagmatic relationships.With defaire, however, the emphasis is on the associative relationships that it enters into: not just with decoller, deplacer and decoudre but also with faire itself, refaire ‘to redo’, and contrefaire ‘to caricature’. Now, it is clear that contrefaire is something of an outsider in this list, because its meaning cannot be predicted from that of its elements faire and contre ‘against’. One might therefore have expected Saussure t o say something like this: â€Å"Because of its unpredictable meaning, the syntagma contrefaire is conventionalised and belongs as a unitary sign to langue, so that contre and faire do not count as signs in this context.However, the meanings of the other complex words I have cited are predictable, so they are examples of syntagmas that belong to parole, and in them the morphemes re- and de-, as well as the verb stems that accompany them, are signs. † But what Saussure actually says is almost the opposite of that. The word defaire is decomposable into ‘smaller units’, he says, only to the extent that is ‘surrounded by’ those other forms (decoller, refaire and so on) on the axis of association. Moreover, a word such as desireux is ‘a product, a combination of interdependent elements, their value [i. . valeur] deriving solely from their mutual contributions within a larger unit’ (part 2, chapter 6, section 1; 176; 126). Recall that valeur i s a property of signs, dependent on their place within the sign system as a r whole. Saussure’s words here imply, therefore, that in desireux, the ‘smaller unit’ or ‘element’ -eux, though clearly identifiable, is not a sign. Saussure hints that even the root desir, in the context of this word, does not count as a sign either, although it clearly does so when it appears as a word on its own. We are thus left with a contradiction.The word relire is cited in a context that invites us to treat it as a unit of parole, not langue, composed of signs, just like the sentence If it’s fine, we’ll go out. On the other hand, the discussion surrounding defaire insists on its status as a unit of langue, a sign as a whole, composed of ‘elements’ or ‘smaller units’ that are not signs. On the basis of my presentation so far, the evidence for the two positions (morpheme-as-sign and word-as-sign) may seem fairly evenly balanced. B ut there are solid reasons to think that the word-as-sign position more closely reflects Saussure’s true view.Consider the French number word dix-neuf ‘nineteen’ (literally f ‘ten-nine’). In such a transparent compound as this, the two morphemes dix and neuf, being words (and hence signs) on their own, must surely still count as signs f (one may think). But no, says Saussure: dix-neuf does not contain parts that are signs f any more than vingt ‘twenty’ does (part 2, chapter 6, section 3; 181; 130). The t difference between dix-neuf and vingt, as he presents it, involves a new distinction: f t between signs that are motivated and signs that are unmotivated.The sign vingt is unmotivated in that it is purely arbitrary: the sounds (or letters) that make it up give f no clue to its meaning. The sign dix-neuf however, contains subunits which give clues to its meaning that could hardly be stronger. Even so, according to Saussure, 10 ANDREW CARS TAIRS-MCCARTHY dix-neuf is still a single sign on the same plane as vingt or neuf or soixante-dix f t f ‘seventy’ (literally ‘sixty-ten’). It is the valeur of dix-neuf in the system of French r f number words that imposes on it the status of a unitary sign, despite its semantic transparency. Saussure might also have added that this transparency, real though it is, depends on a convention that belongs to French langue, not parole: the convention that concatenation of dix and neuf means ‘ten plus nine’, not ‘ten times f nine’ or ‘ten to the ninth power’, for example. His neglect of this point reflects his general neglect of syntactic and syntagmatic convention. 7 Similarly, the English plural form ships is motivated because it ‘recall[s] a whole series like flags, birds, books, etc. ’, while men and sheep are unmotivated because they ‘recall no parallel cases’.The plural suffix -(e)s is, in the English-speaking world, among the first halfdozen ‘morphemes’ that every beginning student of linguistics is introduced to. Yet for Saussure it does not count as sign; it is merely a reason for classifying the words that it appears in (ships, flags etc. ) as relatively motivated signs rather than purely d arbitrary ones. There is thus a striking discrepancy between the word-centred approach to complex words, predominant in the work of the pioneer structuralist Saussure, and the morpheme-centred approach that (as we shall see) predominated among his structuralist successors.In section 2 I will outline the attractions and pitfalls of morpheme-centred approaches. 2. MORPHEME AND WORD Saussure recognised some of the difficulties inherent in using ‘word’ as a technical term (part 2, chapter 2, section 3). Nevertheless, when illustrating his notion ‘sign’, he chose linguistic units that in ordinary usage would be classified as r r words, such as Lati n arbor ‘tree’ and French juger ‘to judge’ (part 1, chapter 1, section 1; part 2, chapter 4, section 2).This may be largely because the languages from which he drew his examples were nearly all well-studied European languages with a long written history and a tradition of grammatical and lexical analysis in f terms of which the identification of words (in some sense) was uncontroversial. However, accompanying the theoretical developments in linguistics in the early twentieth century was an explosion in fieldwork on non-Indo-European languages, particularly in the Americas and Africa. In these languages, lacking a European-style tradition of grammatical description, identifying words as linguistic units often seemed problematic.In fact, there was a strong current of opinion according to which the word deserves no special status in linguistic description, and in particular no special status warranting a distinction between the internal structure of words (â⠂¬Ëœmorphology’) and the internal structure of phrases and sentences (‘syntax’). As Malinowski put it, ‘isolated words are in fact only linguistic figments, the products of an advanced linguistic analysis’ (Malinowski 1935: 11, cited by Robins 1990: 154). So what units are appropriate as tools for a preliminary linguistic analysis?It seemed natural to answer: those units that are clearly indivisible grammatically and t 7 I owe this point to Harris (1987: 132). BASIC TERMINOLOGY 11 lexically, or, in other words, units of the kind that we provisionally labelled ‘morphemes’ in section 1. Thus, despite Saussure’s leaning towards the word-assign position, the experience of fieldwork on languages unfamiliar to most European and American scholars imposed a preference for a version of the morpheme-as-sign position. Where, then, does the morpheme-as-sign position leads us?Let us recall first the Saussurean norm of what constitutes a signif iant: a sequentially ordered string of sounds, such as Latin [arbor] (spelled arbor) or French [ y e] (spelled juger), such that every unit of parole is analysable exhaustively as a string of signifiants (part 1, chapter 1, section 3). What we will observe is a temptation towards signs with signifiants that deviate progressively further from this norm. The analyses that I will discuss are based on an approach to morphemes that was expounded in particular by Zellig S. Harris (1942), Charles F.Hockett (1947), Bernard Bloch (1947) and Eugene A. Nida (1948). None of these explicitly espouses the morpheme-as-sign position, because none of them cites Saussure. However, the issues that they discuss can all be seen as prima facie difficulties for that position. The fact that all these references are clustered more than half a century ago reflects the replacement of f morphology by syntax at the centre of grammatical theory-construction. Nevertheless, I will comment in section 3 on uses of t he term ‘morpheme’ since about 1960. 2. Case study: English noun plural forms (part 1) f For Saussure, as we have seen, the -s suffix of flags and ships is not a sign but an element that renders those words relatively motivated, by contrast with men and sheep. Let us say instead that this -s suffix is indeed a sign, with the signifie ‘plural’. What is its signifiant? So far as English spelling is concerned, the answer is simple. When we turn to phonology, however, we encounter our first stumbling-block. In a conventional phonemic transcription for these two words, the suffix will appear in two different shapes, /z/ and /s/, (/fl? , ps/), and there is yet a third shape, either / z/ or / z/, according to dialect, found in words such as roses, horses, churches and judges. 8 Must we then recognise three different signs with the same signifie? Such an analysis would place these three signs on a par with sets of synonyms such as courgettes and zucchini, or nearly and almost. That is hardly satisfactory, because it neglects the role of phonology in determining the complementary distribution of the three shapes: / z/ appears after strident coronal sounds, while elsewhere /z/ appears after voiced sounds and /s/after voiceless ones.It was in relation to patterns such as this that the term ‘allomorph’ was first introduced in morphology. The intended parallel with the notions ‘phoneme’ and ‘allophone’ is evident. Just as sounds that are phonetically similar and in 8 In my dialect, the third shape is / z/, so that taxes sounds the same as taxis, but roses sounds different from Rosa’s. For many speakers of other dialects, the homophony pattern is the other way round. The examples that I will discuss fit my own dialect, but similar examples can easily be constructed to t make the same point for speakers with the other homophony pattern. 2 ANDREW CARSTAIRS-MCCARTHY complementary distribution count as allo phones of one phoneme, so individually meaningful units that are not divisible into smaller meaningful units, provided that they are synonymous and in complementary distribution, count as allomorphs of one morpheme. And just as it is the allophones of a phoneme that get pronounced, rather than the phoneme itself, a morpheme is likewise not pronounced directly, but represented in the speech chain by whichever of its allomorphs is appropriate for the context.This applies even to morphemes that have the same shape in all contexts, because there is no reason in principle why a morpheme should not have only one allomorph, just as a phoneme may have only one allophone. Notice, however, that that phrase ‘individually meaningful units that are not divisible into smaller meaningful units’ is lifted from my provisional definition of ‘morpheme’ in section 1. It seems, then, that our exploration of the morpheme-assign position has led us already to a dilemma.If the uni ts / z/, /z/ and /s/ are l Saussurean signs, just like the units / n/ (un-), /help/ (help), /f l/ (-ful) and /n s/ (-ness) that served to introduce the ‘morpheme’ notion in section 1, then we must concede that the units that deserve ‘sign’ status, as an alternative to words, are not after all morphemes but allomorphs of morphemes. 9 Furthermore, if / z/, /z/ and /s/ are all signifiants of signs whose signifie is ‘plural’, the morpheme that they all belong to seems somehow superfluous from the point of view of the Saussurean t sign, constituting neither a signifiant nor a signifie.On the other hand, if we wish to continue to say that it is morphemes that are signs, rather than allomorphs, we must depart from the Saussurean doctrine that a signifiant is a linearly ordered string t within the speech chain (/ z/, for example), and say instead that it is, or may be, a set d of linearly ordered strings in complementary distribution (/ z/, /z/ and /s/ , in this instance). The fact that the distribution of these allomorphs is phonologically conditioned may suggest an escape from this dilemma.If the choice between the three allomorphs is determined purely by constraints of English phonology, then perhaps we can say that, in phonological terms at least (although not phonetic), we really are dealing with only one string within the speech chain, not three. If so, the problem of multiple signifiants disappears, and the plural -s suffix conforms to the norm for a Saussurean sign. The stumbling-block is not quite so easily surmounted, however. English phonological constraints do not supply a conclusive verdict on which allomorph is appropriate in all contexts.There are many contexts where more than one of the three allomorphs is phonologically admissible, and some contexts where all three are. Consider the noun pen /pen/. Its plural form is /penz/, complying with the generalisation that the voiced form of the suffix appears after voiced sounds (other than coronal stridents). But this is not because the alternative suffix shapes yield bad phonotactic combinations. Both /pens/ and / pen z/ are phonologically wellformed, and indeed both exist as words (pence and pennies). So something more than pure ( phonotactics is at work in the choice between the three allomorphs.Only in terms of a phonological theory more sophisticated than any available in Saussure’s time (for 9 This is the view defended by Me uk (1993-2000). BASIC TERMINOLOGY 13 example, contemporary Optimality Theory) can we motivate a single phonological underlier for all three. Around the middle of the twentieth century, problems such as the one we have just encountered were typically handled by positing a level of analysis in some degree distinct from both phonology and morphology, called morphophonology (sometimes abbreviated to morphonology) or morphophonemics.The terms ‘morphophonology’ and ‘morphophonological’ are someti mes used to mean simply ‘(pertaining to) the interface between morphology and phonology’. However, morphophonemics has a more specific sense, implying a unit called a morphophoneme. In this instance, one might posit a morphophoneme /Z/ (say), realised phonologically as / z/, /z/ or /s/, according to the context. 10 This allows us to posit a single signifiant underlying / z/, /z/ and /s/, but at the cost (again) of t recognising a signifiant which departs from Saussure’s norm in that it is not t pronounceable directly.The morphophoneme /Z/, as just described, is realised by allomorphs that are distributed on a phonological basis. But complementary distribution may be based on grammar rather than phonology. English nouns such as wife, loaf and bath supply f f f an illustration of this. In the singular, they end in a voiceless fricative: /waif/, /louf/, / /ba /. In the plural, however, their stems end in a voiced fricative (/waiv/, /louv/, /ba /). (This difference b etween the singular and plural stems is reflected orthographically in wives and loaves, though not in paths. The allomorph of the plural suffix that accompanies them is therefore, as expected, the one that appears after voiced sounds: /z/. Do the singular and plural stems therefore belong to distinct morphemes? To say so would be consistent with Baudouin de Courtenay’s usage. However, more recent linguists, influenced by the identity in meaning and the nearcomplete identity in sound in pairs such as has wife and wive-, have always treated them as allomorphs of one morpheme.Yet there is nothing phonological about the plural suffix that enforces the selection of the voiced-fricative allomorph. The noun wife itself can carry the possessive marker -’s to yield a form wife’s /waifs/ with a voiceless fricative in a phonologically wellformed cluster. Moreover, not all nouns whose stems end in voiceless fricatives exhibit this voicing in the plural; for example, it does not occur in the plural forms fifes, oafs or breaths.So the voicing is restricted both lexically (it occurs in some nouns only) and grammatically (it occurs only when the plural suffix /Z/ follows). Some morphologists have handled this by positing morphophonemes such as /F/ and / /, units that are realised as a voiced phoneme in the plural and a voiceless one in the singular (Harris 1942). These nouns 10 The convention of using capital letters to represent morphophonemes was quite widespread in the mid twentieth century (see e. g. Harris 1942). But capital letters were also used to represent a purely phonological notion, the archiphoneme.An archiphoneme is a unit that replaces two or more phonemes in a context where the contrast between them is unavailable, as for example in German the m contrast between /t/ and /d/ is unavailable in syllable codas. The [t] that appears in codas in German was often said to realise not /t/, which would imply a contrast with /d/, but an archiphoneme /T/, t d implying no such contrast. It is important not to be misled by notation into confusing t morphophonemes with archiphonemes. 14 ANDREW CARSTAIRS-MCCARTHY an then be represented morphophonologically (rather than phonologically) as /waiF/, /louF/ and /ba /. The morphophoneme can be seen as a device which enables a morpheme to be t analysed as having a single signifiant (and thus as constituting a single Saussurean sign) even when in terms of its phonology it seems necessary to recognise multiple allomorphs and hence multiple signifiants – a possibility that Saussure does not allow for. But is the morphophoneme device capable of handling all multipleallomorph patterns satisfactorily? The answer is no, as I will demonstrate in the next subsections. . 2 Case study: the perfect participle forms of English verbs I use ‘perfect participle’ to refer to the form in which the lexical verb appears when accompanied by the auxiliary have, as in I have waited, I have pl ayed, I have swum. The regular English perfect participle suffix -(e)d has three shapes, /t/, /d/ and d 11 / d/. These are distributed in a fashion closely parallel to the allomorphs of the noun plural suffix: / d/ appears after coronal plosives, while elsewhere /d/ appears after voiced sounds and /t/ after voiceless ones.But, just as with the noun plural suffix, phonology alone does not always guarantee the correct choice of suffix. For d t example, /’k? n d/, /k? nd/ and /k? nt/ are all phonologically possible words and indeed actual words: canid ‘member of the subgroup of mammals to which wolves d and dogs belong’, canned ‘contained in a can’ and cant ‘hypocrisy’. These suffix d t shapes therefore illustrate the same stumbling-block and the same dilemma as the three shapes of the plural suffix.One way of handling this, as with the plural suffix, is to posit a morphophoneme (say, /D/), realised as /t/, /d/ or / d/, according to the pho nological context. However, the perfect participle exhibits complications, one of which is not paralleled in noun plurals. Some verbs have a perfect participle form with the suffix t d /t/ (orthographically -t rather than -ed) which appears even where /d/ would be expected, because the last sound of the verb stem is voiced, or where / d/ would be expected, because what precedes is a coronal plosive.Examples of these ‘orthographic-t’ verbs are build (perfect participle built), bend (bent), feel (felt), keep d t d t l t (kept), spell (spelt), lose (lost), teach (taught), and buy (bought). Corresponding to t l t t t each of these it is possible to find a verb with a similar stem shape but whose perfect participle is formed with /t/, /d/ or / d/ according to the regular pattern: (1) Orthographic-t verbs Base Perfect participle build built bend bent feel felt Regular verbs Base gild tend peel Perfect participle gilded tended eeled 11 In many dialects other than mine, the thi rd allomorph is not / d/ but / d/. This does not affect my d d argument, however. BASIC TERMINOLOGY 15 seeped heaved felled oozed bleached lied keep leave spell lose teach buy kept left spelt lost taught bought seep heave fell ooze bleach lie As is clear, a further characteristic of orthographic-t verbs is that they nearly t always display a stem form that differs from the base or present-tense stem. What immediately concerns us is the suffix, however.Is it or is it not a distinct morpheme from the regular /t/ (spelt -ed) which is in complementary distribution with / d/ and d /d/? If we answer ‘yes’, we implicitly claim that the fact that /t/ is a common allomorph of the -ed morpheme as well as the sole allomorph of the -t morpheme is d t a mere coincidence. But, just as with wife and wive-, it goes against the grain to posit two distinct morphemes with the same meaning and such similar shapes. Thus the consensus in analyses of English verb morphology is that ‘ort hographic-t’ in an allomorph of the same morpheme that regular /t/, /d/ and / d/ belon

Comparison between cat and human skeleton Essay

At first glance, it might look as if there are very few similarities between a human skeleton and a cat skeleton, However, when you look a little deeper, you find many similarities in shape, structure and function. Evolution has shaped the cat as a hunter and predator. Everything about a cat has been formed to shape a leathal, agile fighting animal. In contrast, the skeletons of humans have formed to provide strength and stability. There are many similarities between the modern-day cats and humans. Like nearly every land mammal, both cats and humans have a well-formed skull and jaw, a vertebral column and four appendages. The most obvious difference between a cat and human skeleton is the size. At nearly 20 times the size of the average domestic cat, a human is a lot larger and way more powerful. Humans are built to walk on two legs. Therefore, their hips and backbone are shaped much differently and are much more solid than those of the four legged feline. Although humans are much larger, a cat has roughly 250 bones in its skeleton, compared to the 206 bones of the human skeleton. The extra bones in the cat’s skeleton are found mainly in the backbone, which gives the cat its extra flexibility and agility. A cat has 52 or 53 vertebrae; humans have 32 to 34. These extra bones are spaced out and have more padding, giving the cat flexibility and the ability to twist, turn and spring. Humans have collarbones, while cats do not. However, cats do have a free-floating set of bones in their shoulders that allow them to squeeze into tight spaces. In both cats and humans, the skeleton provides the same basic set of functions. Because of the density and hardness of bone, the skeleton provides the rigid framework to which other body systems attach. The skeleton determines the basic shape of a body. The skeleton also serves as protection for vital organs, such as the brain, heart and lungs. Because of the structure of the skeleton, it is the basis of all movement. Functioning as an attachment point for all muscles, the skeleton serves as a series of levers and pulleys to push and pull the body into place. Far from being dead, the skeleton houses tons of things that help with production. Human bone marrow produces millions of red blood cells a second, and forms the  basis of the immune system. The skeleton of both cats and humans acts as a storage facility for minerals, such as calcium and phosphate. In the end, cats and humans may seem different but we have more in common than you might think. Stem cells are cells that can grow to become almost any type of cell in your body. They can be taken from different parts of your body and put to use wherever they’re needed. Since they are your own cells there is no chance of rejection. There are two types of stem cells, Adult Stem Cells (somatic stem cells) and Embryonic Stem Cells. Adult Stem Cells can come from the umbilical cord or cells found in bone marrow. Embryonic Stem Cells come from undifferentiated inner mass cells of a blastocyst. These cells are pluripotent, which means they can grow into any cell in your body. Stem cells are able to repair nerve fiber. Tests on rats have been proved successful. Scientists are trying to figure out how to make stem cells more potent. Experimental surgery has helped thousands on their quest to better health. Umbilical cord blood can be used just the same as regular stem cells. Stem cells can also be used to repair cardiac tissue after a major heart attack. Stem cells have endless potential with very low risk. I think you should be able to receive stem cells if you want. Anyone who needs it should have them readily available. There is basically zero risk and tons of benefit. Stem cells should be used by everyone.

Electra Products Case Analysis

Chapter 1 – case for critical analysis Question 1: How might top management have done a better job changing Electra Products into a learning organisation? What might they do now to get the empowerment process back on track? Answer: * Harry might talk with the employees. He has very much experience because he worked for 20 years in this company. He knows a lot of behaviours in the company, the good and the bad ones. Harry is able to understand the situation and the problems from the staff more than a newcomer.Furthermore he can motivate the others in a different, better way because he is in the same situation and they maybe look up to him. * The top management should support the teams with individual trainings for each department. So they can improve their skills to achieve better results in their work area. In addition they get new motivation and they approach their assignments more confident. Possible trainings could be: * Communication skills * Dealing with customers * Teamw ork * The company can make individual meetings with the employees to talk about their problems.In this case the labour has the chance to mention their own opinions and ideas. * An additional proposal to get the empowerment process back on track is to conduct surveys. So they get valuable information from outsider about the popularity of their products. In this way they can go into to the customer’s desires and get new ideas for possible innovations. Surveys are also an excellent opportunity to learn more about the competitors and their products. * To spur the employees they might give salary increases. This avoids that many of the disappointed employees are looking for another job as well.

The Dual Nature of Hinduism Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

The Dual Nature of Hinduism - Research Paper Example There is probably no more pertinent example of Hinduism’s singular nature than its well-known caste system. The four levels of Indian society, which have their origins in ancient Vedic literature, have often been regarded as a written manifestation of the enforced stratification of Indian society by the Aryans, the theocratic invaders whose military prowess enabled them to conquer the subcontinent about 1500 B.C. â€Å"One fourth of the Supreme Being constitutes all beings, while three fourths of Him are immortal and stand above. With the one-fourth (He) arms were made into the Kshatriya. His thighs became the Vaisya. From his feet the Sudra was born† (Rig Veda, 90). Historians generally concur that the strict social regimentation described in the Vedas was not actually created or introduced by the Aryan invaders but had existed in a somewhat less formal version prior to the conquest. Hinduism as we know it today, with its concepts of karma and samsara, grew up against this socio-cultural backdrop, with which it was suffused and which it in turn influenced. Social norms and the means whereby they are passed on are pervasive and give form to the Hindu caste system. Each caste, or varna, is sub-divided into jatis, which divide each varna into specific occupations. Social interaction among the jatis of a particular caste is regulated â€Å"through an elaborate ritual system,† which governs social behavior (Deshpande, 2010). The Vedic texts offer a rationale for classifications and rituals, â€Å"rules that are laid down concerning appropriate occupational pursuit, appropriate behavior within and between castes.

Critically analyzing a campaign Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Critically analyzing a campaign - Essay Example The main points discussed will be summarised at the end of the paper. The problem of driving under the influence of alcohol is a cause for concern especially in the UK since it contributes to unprecedented deaths and injuries annually among the people involved in accidents while driving under the influence of alcohol. For instance, â€Å"in 2011, 280 people died in the UK in drink driving incidents. Although the number of casualties caused by drink driving has dropped dramatically in the last 30 years, it is still the cause of 15 per cent of all road deaths,† (Taylor, 2013). Strict penalties are also imposed to address this problem and it can be seen that drink drivers risk a fine of up to ?5,000, a minimum 12-month driving ban and a criminal record (Taylor, 2013). However, since this is an issue of high social interest, people need to be persuaded in order for them to positively change their behaviour in as much as drink driving is concerned. Persuasive communication through the use of social campaigns is one effective way of dealing with such kind of problem since it is designed to reinforce the message so that the desired goal can be achieved among the targeted people. In carrying out such a campaign, the media is strongly used and marketing principles are also utilized. The concept of social marketing was popularized by Philip Kotler. According to Kotler and Armstrong (2004), social marketing is mainly concerned with behaviour change among a targeted audience. This type of communication uses marketing concepts though it is not meant to generate revenue but to influence behaviour change among the targeted group of audiences. Basically, a public or social campaign is a described as a purposive attempt to motivate behaviour change among a well defined and large audience (Rice & Atkin 1989 as cited in McQuail, 2000). This particular campaign is usually carried for non commercial benefit over a certain period of time by means of organized communication wh ich involves the use of mass media as well as interpersonal communication. The targeted audience is clearly defined and the expected goal of the communication campaign is properly laid out. In carrying out such a campaign, it can be noted that people need to be persuaded so that they can also share the same ideas with the people running the campaign. Mutual understanding among the targeted audience is likely to be promoted if all parties involved share the same vision towards a particular goal. This can be achieved through the use of social contract theory which is based on the â€Å"the view that persons’ moral and/or political obligations are dependent upon a contract or agreement among them to form the society in which they live,† (Friend, 2004). In case of the above mentioned campaign, the people in the UK are bound by a social contract that compels them to create a desirable society that is characterised by good behaviour with regards to the aspect of alcohol and driving. The problem of driving under the influence of alcohol affects all people and a holistic approach has to be taken in order to ensure that a good society is formed. This involves all people who are affected by this particular problem. This concept posits to the effect that people in a certain society are the masters of their own destiny since they can put rules and regulations that can guide their behaviour in order to

Advanced and Clinical Immunology Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Advanced and Clinical Immunology - Essay Example Consequently, IgE immunoblotting was mainly required for determination of the foods to evade in trying to help the patient feel better ((Phipatanakul et al, 2004). 4. Th-2 like cells can be identified in the peripheral blood and lesions of atopic-dermatitis patients producing IL-4, 5, 13 and also IL-17 from Th17 cells. Explain the role(s) of these cytokines in allergy (10 Marks). Â  IL-4, 5, 13 are important for allergic responses and elimination of parasites. Th17 cells are the newest members of the Th cell family and produce the IL-17. The Th17 cells are involved in host defense with a role of protection against extracellular bacteria through activity on both the immune and non-immune cells, they have also begun to be associated with the pathophysiology development of allergic diseases such as atopic dermatitis (Cox, et al, 2008). Â  Mast cells PGDs, Basophil histamine and Eosinophil Cationic Protein (ECP) are essential constituents of allergic inflammation. Succeeding fixation of IgE to FceRI receptors on mast cells and basophil histamine is vital to the initiation and proliferation of immediate hypersensitivity reactions. Mast cells, basophils, and the eosinophils are major effector cells in the allergic inflammation (Yazdanbakhsh et al, 2002). Mast cells indirectly contribute to asthmatic reactions. Its presence causes A when the activation by multivalent Ag and the IgE, mast cells produces many inflammatory mediators, which includes histamines, eicosanoids, and proteases with PGD2 in high quantity.

Network Systems and Technology Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Network Systems and Technology - Coursework Example Our IT strategy executes by defining the topology of the network. The topology will define the structure of the entire network along with preferred cable to be used. Secondly, hardware specification of all departmental workstations and will be carried out along with the cost . After defining the specification, we will address network devices along with switch and router deployment. Moreover, we will define all the associated servers that will play a vital role in synchronizing data with remote offices in this scenario. Furthermore, a proposed network diagram will be represented for each site i.e. site 1 and site 2. Sub netting will play a dominant role in breaking down global IP addresses into local IP addresses for each node on the network. For the WAN architecture, we will discuss the technologies, protocols and services that will be used for connecting these sites together. Moreover, for maintaining and monitoring the network, we will discuss network security features that will be implemented in this proposed network. The RADIUS access server will provide synchronization of data between both sites operating on a Virtual Private Network. In addition, Domain name Service will also be discussed. Introduction Organizations associated with health care needs to acquire up to date technological trends in delivering patient care at the optimal level. Medical information systems developed for supporting health care, facilitate organizations to align with best practices and quality and to make these health organizations successful in the market. However, acquiring and maintaining computer networks can be a difficult task along with its alignment with the goals and objectives of the organization. Moreover, along with the alignment with organizational objectives, involvement of all stakeholders in the implementation of a network is vital for understanding the purpose and benefits. Likewise, customization of network design is a requirement for supporting organizational g oals and objectives, which can be a complex task. 1Network Architecture 1.1Topology We will apply star topology, as the network design will follow a centralized server / client architecture. Star topology will provide centralized administration and configuration of all the nodes on the network. Moreover, star topology initiates low broadcasts on the network, consequently, consuming low bandwidth and at the same time making the network capacity on optimal levels. 1.2 Workstations The minimum hardware specification of the workstations that will be installed in the current scenario are: System Specification Processor Intel Dual Core E5400 2.7GHZ (2MB cache – 800MHZ FSB) Motherboard Intel DG41RQ (LGA775-SND+AGP+GIGA LAN-800MHZ FSB) Memory 1GB DDRII (800 Bus) Hard drive 320GB 3.5" SATA-II 7200RPM Optical drive DVD Drive 16 X Chassis Thermal HT Support 1.3 Network devices Network devices are the objects for any network. The network functionality relies on the network devices .The d ependability of the network

Economics for Business Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Economics for Business - Essay Example Since China was the biggest importer of the Australian rock lobsters, this industry would lose a significant amount of its revenues in the face of such a prohibition. The Australian Fishing Authorities had also requested the National Government to negotiate these trade restrictions with the Chinese Government. This would save their business from being affected (The Telegraph, 2010). 2. The Chinese economy was the largest buyer of the rock lobster exports of Australia. When the Chinese Government prohibited the Australian lobsters from being imported into the country in November 2010, this came as shocking news to the Australian fishing community. With the exclusion of its biggest export destination, the rock lobster industry in Australia was sure to suffer huge financial losses. The fishing communities in the Victorian province, Western and Southern Australia specialized in the trading of rock lobsters and were expected to be significantly affected as a result of the Chinese ban. The Australian fishing authorities feared that the country’s fishing community would be compelled to sell their catch at very low prices in the market. This in turn would result in lower revenues for these indigenous people. Thus, Australia’s fishing industry was set to be badly hit by China’s import restrictions. ... This ban was expected to generate a host of impacts on the Australian economy, the Chinese markets as well as the international trading community. First of all, the Australian fishing communities were expected to be adversely affected by the Chinese prohibition. The fishing communities hailing from the Victorian province, the eastern and southern Australia specialize in the trading and exporting of rock lobsters. They would witness a sharp decline in the revenues earned from the lobster export. The price of lobsters in Australia’s domestic market was expected to fall, as the demand for lobsters to be exported would reduce. This again would affect the profits of the Australian fishing communities, who would have to sell their lobster hauls at much lower prices to the local citizens. While China had implemented a ban on the import of the Australian rock lobsters, the nation continued to import lobsters from New Zealand and South Africa. If this resulted in a decline in the total quantity of lobsters imported in the Chinese economy, this would lead to a rise in lobster prices in the Chinese markets. However, if the country kept its import quantity the same as before by importing more lobsters from New Zealand and South Africa, then the internal lobster prices would not rise. Finally, there was an opportunity for New Zealand and South Africa to gain from the Chinese ban. Even after it had stopped importing Australian rock lobsters, China continued to import is seafood from New Zealand and South Africa. Both these countries could witness an increase in their lobster exports if China decided to import extra lobsters to replenish the missing imports from Australia. This would result in increased export revenues for both these nations (Herald Sun, 2010). The

PREPARE A 5 PAGE PAPER ON THE HISTORY, STRUCTURE, OPERATION, Essay

PREPARE A 5 PAGE PAPER ON THE HISTORY, STRUCTURE, OPERATION, ACTIVITIES, AND PARTICIPANTS OF A SELECTED ORGANIZED CRIME. PAY SPECIAL ATTENTION TO INVOLVEMENT IN - Essay Example The UNODC further identifies that drug crime organizations are among the most urgent concerns for law enforcement because of their direct effect to society and individuals. Among these organizations, the organization led by Diego Leon Montoya Sanchez is on the top of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) list of organized crime syndicates. The organization is involved in drug-trafficking and money-laundering and is considered as one of the most dangerous and violent groups at its peak. Based in Colombia, it routes its cocaine operations through Ecuador to Mexico and then distributes to supply New York, Florida and Montreal in Canada. Organized crime is has rich history in any society. The traditional notions of organized crime are often described by criminal activities by close associations or groups operating in a locality though they may have significant networks in other communities. Gangs, syndicate, crime families have been part of the lore of law enforcement since its inception. However, today's generation of crime organizations have a stricture, network and form that competes with most multinational corporations. Today crime organizations operate on a global scale with no limitation to their interests or involvements (FBI, 2003). This is not saying that l... Newer networks, in contrast, are seen as having a more decentralized, often cell-like structure," (p. 7). Furthermore, Wagley differentiates them by how they operate: "conventional organizations have interests that are aligned with countriesModern networks, in contrast, are seen as less likely to profit from state contracts and often thrive on the absence of effective governance". According to the FBI and Colombian law enforcement, it is important to develop international and interagency cooperation to be able to address these hew challenges. In their efforts to indict Diego Leon Montoya Sanchez, investigation and operations had to be conducted simultaneously in the US and in Colombia highlighted the scale and sophistication that these crime organization operate which involves a network of conspirators in government and law enforcement, legitimate and illegitimate business and even government services themselves in their operations. Drugs and Organized Crime The drug trade is considered as one of the most lucrative crime operations ever developed. The sheer revenue form its operations can reach scales that it becomes even bigger than a country's legitimate economy. Take the example of Afghanistan. Central Asia has been the traditional gateway of dugs form Asia to Europe and it is estimated that the Al Qaeda and several other Para-military groups are protecting the cultivation of narcotics in the country to finance their armies (UNODC, 2006). These issues have come to international light particularly since the US occupation of the country. The UN's goals of globally eradicating drugs are not anymore an achievable target. One weakness of

Automobile Industry Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Automobile Industry - Research Paper Example Then Mr. Henry Ford came up with an idea of Car for Every one. With this idea he laid down the foundation of Ford Motor Company and start manufacturing cars at a large scale to reduce price, what we call mass production. New players also entered the market with different products than that of Ford like Mercedes, BMW, and GM. Automobile industry is facing immense competition these days which has shifted manufacturers' concern to reduce their cost. A right balance of input and outputs can give manufacturers the edge which will be helpful for them to increase their sales and their profit margins. All this happens due to the customers' better access to knowledge. These days the customers are better informed compared to the previous days therefore even the decision of an average customer is well informed. Along with being price conscious, customers are also after quality and fuel efficiency. The hiking prices of fuel have asked customers to look for a car with better mileage. The car markets are moving fast into globalization. One can find the best of BMW's car is being driven in India, the Mercedes in America and the Ford in United Arab Emirates. Hence the manufacturers are more looking for ways to have a centralized product research and development centre and manufacturing at lowest rates since the competi tion has enhanced due to globalization. Market Segmentation In terms of customers' buying practice, market can be divided into Fleet buyers, Business buyers and Private buyers. Fleet buyers are those buyers which buy cars in big numbers to further their business. They usually required cars which are low priced, good in fuel economy and can run smoothly for a considerable period of time without asking any major maintenance. They include hotels, cab companies, and car rental companies. Business buyers are those which buy cars to give their executives and employees. They require cars which match the designation of the person given the car. They usually go for moderately highly priced cars. Private Buyers buy cars for their personal use. Now depending upon their social class which they belong to, they have different choices of cars. Some buy low priced, durable cars from Toyota, Honda, GM and Ford while others may go for quality and performance and opt for BMW, Mercedes or Audi. There are some, like celebrities or people with big fortunes that buy cars as a status symbol and to show their taste for uniqueness. They usually go for Ferrari, Lamborghini, Bugatti, MayBach. Competitors' Analysis There are many players in the market striving to increase their size of pie. From America we have General Motors, Daimler Chrysler, and Ford Motor Co. From Japan we have Toyota and Honda. From Germany we have Mercedes, BMW and Audi and from Italy we have Lamborghini, Ferrari and Bugatti. But BMW faces a direct competition with Mercedes and Audi as they fall in the same class with respect to performance and price. 1. Mercedes Mercedes Benz is present in the industry in the form of a giant. Mercedes Benz is the major direct competitor to BMW just like Pepsi is for Coke. It is considered to be an established brand within the industry among many competitors and among customers. It has built great brand

Art and Celebrity Dissertation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 6250 words

Art and Celebrity - Dissertation Example In terms of art, fame is often considered a double-edged sword, mostly because of the price attached to it and its impact on the artist in terms of his work. This essay shall discuss the impact of fame on celebrity and on art and the artist. This analysis will evaluate both the negative and the positive effects of fame on art, seeking to understand how artists have gained fame throughout their career and how such fame has changed them and their art. This essay is being carried out in order to help establish a clear and thorough understanding of art and fame, and their relationship with each other. Main body Fame, in this context is interchangeably associated with celebrity. Both refer to the general attention which an individual, an object, or a place gains from the general public (Conrad, 2012). Fame is derived from the word famous which often refers to popularity; while celebrity is associated with celebration, or how one person is celebrated by the general population (Conrad, 2012 ). Art takes on various forms of expression, including the performance, visual, and musical art. In association with each other, as a piece of art gains attention for its brilliance, fame or celebrity is often attributed to the artwork and the artist. Such celebrity and fame is however also attributed to different activities, even non-artistic activities (Conrad, 2012). Under these conditions, reality shows gain their celebrity and fame. The reasons for their fame are founded on their outrageous behaviour, their clothes, their controversial lives, their controversial or unusual jobs, and the fact that they are rich (Gibson, 2012). Celebrities are famous due to their prominent profile and such prominence often makes them a significant source of fascination for the media. They also often have a high degree of popular appeal as well as prominence in certain fields making them easily recognizable by the public (Gibson, 2012). For purposes of this paper, the associations shall focus on v isual art (painters) and fame or celebrity. In the general sense, it is crucial to evaluate how fame is felt by a celebrity over time. Based on the temporality, a progressive design is apparent in terms of fame being experienced in various phases (Rockwell and Giles, 2009). First, a phase of love/hate; second, the addiction phase with behaviour being geared towards more fame; third, the acceptance phase calling for more permanent changes in daily life activities; and finally, the adaptation phase where new attitudes and activities are established to secure life changes essential to one’s fame (Rockwell and Giles, 2009). The love/hate relationship is secured with participants wanting to ensure effective ways of adjusting to fame. Initially, becoming famous requires significant stoking of the ego. The newly famous are often warmly accepted by the people (Rockwell and Giles, 2009). There is often a guilty thrill seen in being admired, with participants wanting the attention and adoration even as they also analyse the good feelings they get from their fame experience. They love some parts of it, but also hate other aspects of their fame (Adler and Adler, 1989). The love/hate period is often followed by the addiction phase. When one is adored by the public, people often find it difficult to live without such fame. Some actually find their ‘high’ on such fame and adoration (Rockwell and Gil

Roller coaster accidents Essay Example for Free

Roller coaster accidents Essay Abstract Now that summer vacationers are filling up amusement parks on a daily basis how safe are you on the towering roller coasters? Am I the only one who wonders what if something happens? What if something goes wrong will I have enough time to react? With the recent death at Six Flags over Texas, these things cross my mind. Who checks these roller coasters for safety and how often are they checked? Though it seems like there are very few fatalities on rollers coasters it seems to me one is one to many. These questions always enter my mind as I wait for an hour or so in line to ride on one of these metal giants. According to Steph Solis (2013) from USA TODAY, â€Å"out of the 300 million amusement park visitors 37,154 people were injured and 35,977 were release and only 1,177 were admitted to the hospital or died†. So where is the exact number of deaths and why are they not recorded separately? Does anyone care just how many die at amusement park roller coasters or do we as consumers not want to know? According to Harris (2007) the odds of getting seriously injured from being in the amusement park is one in 25 million which odds in your favor are. Harris (2007) goes on to compare this to the odds of getting seriously injured in a car accident which is 15 in 10,000 which is much higher. According to the article, (What are the odd of dying on a roller coaster, 2013) â€Å"The odds of dying on a roller coaster are one in 300 million†. Ok so that makes me feel slightly safer but it doesn’t answer my question on the number of deaths alone that occur in amusement parks. So far the first two of my resources seem to try to make light of the odds of getting injured by comparing them to something more dangerous. In my mind more people own and drive automobiles so this is like comparing apples to oranges. I am still searching for my answer but so far all I am getting is the surrounding questions that try to make me forget about the deaths so I feel safer at the amusement park. My third source of information concentrates on the G-forces of the roller coasters and how this causes head injuries that could possibly lead to death but according to researchers at the U. of Pennsylvania that there isn’t enough G-forces to cause bleeding or swelling of the brain that would result in death (Puskar, 2002). I realize that there are signs in the park that you must be in good health to ride the roller coasters but there isn’t a doctor standing at the end of the line before you get on to give you a check-up so unless you know you have a health risk those signs are meaningless. Are going to be required to have a note from our doctor to ride roller coasters? Is this what it’s coming to? So this source concentrates on one type of injury and there is some concern that the roller coasters should be limited to how much G-force they are allowed but my question still goes unanswered so on to the next source. According to Dessauer (2008), â€Å"That with even years of research and safety precautions these rides can still be very dangerous and even deadly†. He goes on to give tidbits on the history of the roller coaster, but he has his own doubts about how safe are roller coasters really. So I’m not alone out there wondering where we draw the line. How safe should roller coasters be and what is a realistic number of deaths a year that we would consider allowable? To me one death is one to many and I think that all could have been avoidable. Weisenberger (2012), talks about the ASTM F-24 committee and how they develop the minimum safety standards for everything that goes into building and operating a roller coaster. Do they know how many deaths occur every year on roller coasters? If anyone would know I sure they do, but I haven’t been able to find anything by researching that committee. So even though I was unable to find the answer to my question I feel as if I am not alone as to wanting the real number of deaths that occur at our amusement parks on these giant coasters and why aren’t they being prevented. These questions will probably enter my mind every time I enter an amusement park. References â€Å"A Short History of Roller Coasters†. (1996) Themed Attraction. com. Retrieved on 7/22/2013 from http://www. themedattraction. com/coaster. htm Dessauer, Brain. (2008). Roller Coaster Deaths and Dismemberments. Purple Slinky. Retrieved on 7/22/13 from http://purpleslinky. com/offbeat/roller-coaster-deaths-and-dismemberments/ Harris, Tom. (2007). How Roller Coasters Work. HowStuffWorks. com. Retrieved on 7/22/13 from http://science. howstuffworks. com/engineering/structural/roller-coaster9. htm Puskar, Gene J. (2002). ROLLER COASTERS’ SAFETY SUPPORTED BY UNIVERSITY STUDY RESEARCHERS SAY RIDES DON’T RAISE RISK OF BRAIN INJURIES. The Free Library. Retrieved on 7/22/13 from http://www. thefreelibrary. com/ROLLER+COASTERS+SAFETY+SUPPORTED+BY+UNIVERSITY+STUDY+RESEARCHERS+SAY -a092986518 â€Å"Six Flags roller coaster death: Safety bar worried victim, witnesses say†. (2013). MercuryNews. com. Retrieved on 7/22/13 from http://www. mercurynews. com/nation-world/ci_23707295/six-flags-roller-coaster-death-safety-bar-worried Solis, Steph. (2013). How safe is a roller coaster? USA TODAY. Retrieved on 7/22/13 from http://www. usatoday. com/story/news/nation/2013/07/22/roller-coaster-death/2574425/ â€Å"What are the odds of dying on a roller coaster†? (2013). Retrieved on 7/22/13 from http://www. asktheodds. com/death/roller-coaster-odds/ Weisenberger, Nick. (2012). Coasters 101: An Engineer’s Guide to Roller Coaster Design. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. Pg. 34.

The New Deal Saving Liberal Democracy Politics Essay

The New Deal Saving Liberal Democracy Politics Essay In 1932, in the midst of the economic depression Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected American president. He won the election with outstanding success, receiving 472 out of the possible 531 votes with the Electoral College and inflicting the worst defeat since 1912 upon his Republican rival1. The reason for this was the enthusiastic support given by the general population to his proposal of a New Deal a highly experimental programme of legislative reforms with no defined ideology, intended at stimulating economic recovery. Having to face a continuously worsening economic depression, with over 13 millions unemployed, Roosevelt acted quickly, and within the first hundred days of his presidency passed startling bursts of reform legislation2 which in effect prevented the collapse of the economy and began to tackle some of the most pressing social problems, primarily unemployment. Though, as Conkin states, the New Deal did not provide any new clarification of the dilemmas of liberal democracy3, if one assumes that the prime basis for liberal democracy is a prosperous society, then he is justified to claim that by preventing economic collapse, Roosevelt thus saved liberal democracy in America. For the purpose of this essay, let us accept the encyclopedic definition of liberal democracy as a representative democracy where the ability of elected representatives to exercise decision-making power is subject to the rule of law and moderated by a constitution which emphasizes the protection of the rights and freedoms of individuals and minorities (also called constitutional liberalism), and which places constraints on the extent to which the will of the majority can be exercised. Recently, the term liberal democracy came to acquire a socialist, or perhaps event communist undertone in America, but since this can be rather classified as a misunderstanding of the term, it will be neglected. Essentially, the question posed consists of two major issues; firstly, one must consider the extent to which the New Deal policies corresponded with the liberal democratic ideology, and secondly whether the New Deal actually saved American liberal democracy. The second question essentially consists of several issues; the extent to which the liberal democracy was under threat in America, the role of the New Deal in saving it, the role of other factors, and the extent to which the New Deal was a radical innovation as opposed to being simply a natural continuation of previous policies, in which case it could not be honored for saving liberal democracy. Effectively, the aim of the following essay is to suggest that the New Deal was not liberal democratic in its nature and that if it did support liberal democracy in America, which incidentally was not critically threatened, it did so as a by-consequence of trying to improve the economic situation and solely from an economic, as opposed to a political, perspective. In addition, the importance of the Second World War as a contributive factor to economic recovery will be underlined. So let us address the first question: How Liberal was the New Deal itself? From a political perspective the New Deal can hardly be classified as Liberal Democratic in nature since it did not aim to promote a representative democracy where the ability of elected representatives to exercise decision-making power is subject to the rule of law and moderated by a constitution. In fact, it did the exact opposite when Roosevelt proposed the Court reform bill4 by which he was planning to allow for the packing of the Supreme Court and which also presumed a reduction of the Courts power. Since the Court was the principal guard against the governments violation of the constitution, it clearly went directly against the liberal democratic principles. The problem was that the Court declared unconstitutional several of Roosevelt projects, and he saw it as one of the main obstacles is his way to pass legislation; he was thus determined to reform it thus overcoming its opposition. The New Deal on the whole saw an expansion of the presidential functions5 and a decline of the party system, since Roosevelt considered traditional party politics an obstacle to the modernization of American government6. Since this meant weakening the power 1 Leuchtenburg p.17 2 Badger p. 7 3 Auerbach p. 19 4 Leuchtenburg p. 237 5 Ibid. p. 327 6 Milkis p. 480 of elected representatives of the people, in also stood in contradiction with democratic principles; instead of democratic liberalism Roosevelt was aiming at militant liberalism7. In the economy, a rather pragmatic as opposed to ideological approach was adopted, and Roosevelt clearly diverged from the liberal Keynesian policies of creating full employment by means of public work schemes; one of Roosevelts main convictions was the necessity to balance the budget, and thus, governmental spending was minimized8. Hence, to help cover the costs of the emerging welfare system, taxes were increased9. So in what sense was the New Deal Liberal Democratic? The bases for the argument promoting such a view were the welfare policies one of the basic pillars of liberal democracy since more progress was made in public welfare and relief than in the [previous] three hundred years10. However, this area too was not without controversy since on the one hand as Irwin Unger argues that New Deal [was] the immediate source of the liberal welfare state11, but on the other, C. Gardner stresses the fact that it did not solve any of the fundamental problems 12. Numerous welfare policies were introduce, namely the National Youth Asssociation which was a considerable success helping young people find work13, the Home Owners Loan Corporation which protected Americans who has been hit by depression from losing their property and relief programmes such as the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, the Civil Works Administration and the Civilian Conservation Corps. The greatest single reform however w as the Social Security Act which included unemployment compensation, old-age and survival insurance, public assistance programs for dependant children and the blind14, housing projects, economic relief programs15. Though overall liberal, it had several flaws; national health insurance was absent and family allowances, public assistance and unemployment insurance remain ungenerous by international standards16 whilst many categories of workers were excluded from the Act all together17. Excluded too was the black population, which became another controversial issue, since liberalism actively promotes the protection of minorities. The NRA saw the blacks being paid less than the white, the TVA largely avoided employing blacks and the AAA was not effective in protecting the interest of black sharecroppers and tenant farmers. On the whole, Roosevelt did attempt to promoted racial equality as for example by promoting blacks to secondary posts in government18; yet as many of his critics poi nt out, he did not introduce a Civil Rights Legislation19 fearing opposition from the Southern states, and hence only few welfare projects, namely the NYA, benefited the black population. Similarly, the promotion of womens rights was undertaken women being included in government for the first time20, but only on a small scale. Hence, it is debatable whether the New Deal can be classified as liberal democratic, since only from a social perspective can it truly be considered such. So how could it save liberal democracy? In order to assess that, let us first identify the threats that were present. When the New Deal was first introduced, the economy was continuously declining; the banking system was collapsing as banks were failing, demand was falling, agricultural overproduction depreciated prices and droughts further undermined the income of the farmers who were struggling to pay their taxes and debt obligations, in towns unemployment rose to 15.9% in 193121 and wages were cut, production was shrinking in most fields and workers suffered from malnutrition and destitution. In we accept that economic prosperity or at least minimal wage available to the majority of the population is a necessary requirement for Liberal Democracy, then one could easily claim that from an economic perspective the latter was increasingly under threat in America at the beginning of the 1930s, as economic plight was severe and conditions were only deteriorating. One could go as far as claiming that unless a series of effective economic reforms was introduced, the economic system would collapse bringi ng an end to liberal democracy; the scale of the economic plight was reflected in the general mood of despair and the belief that depression was permanent22 as well as increasingly emigration of workers and a drastic fall in birth rate. 7 Ibid. p. 486 8 Skocpol p. 40 9 Louchheim p. 150 10 Leuchtenburg p. 332 11 Auerbach p.18 12 Auerbach p. 20 13 Louchheim p. 296 14 Skocpol p. 38 15 Louchheim p. 260 16 Skocpol p. 37 17 Louchheim p. 151 18 Ibid. p. 260 19 Leuchtenburg p. 186 20 Ibid. p. 33 21 Badger p. 18 22 Leuchtenburg p. 29 However, surprisingly perhaps, the democratic government itself was not political threatened in any significant way. Whilst in Europe extremist parties made enormous gains in parliament and their popularity boosted up, America saw no such development and in the elections of 1932, Communists -the most extreme party prepared to challenge liberal democracy only polled 120 000 votes23. Moreover, general mood idleness prevailed and no major protests parallel to those is Europe were seen. Farm strikes, communist demonstrations and miners strikes did occur24, yet did propose an alternative communist political system, but rather simply expressed their grievances. In there was a threat, it came from the suggestions to strengthen the powers of the executive, radical enough to propose dictatorship; a dictatorial of twelve men, a supercouncil or simply a single dictator25. However, these suggestions did not generate violent opposition to the present democratic government. Though Hoovers govern ment was blamed for the depression and as William Dodd put it both political parties have been bankrupted26, the American people did not seem to lose faith in democracy as a political system and when Roosevelt proposed a new proposed a new program, they supported it with faith and enthusiasm. The reason why extremism did not threaten liberal democracy in America as it did in Europe was mainly due to the fact that America was founded upon the principles of liberty and freedom, and never experienced effective dictatorial rule as did most European countries under their monarchs. Hence, in the political sense, the New Deal cannot claim to have saved liberal democracy, since no critical threat actually existed. Ironically however, one could claim that New Deal created such a threat when in 1934 when strikes and riots began to spread27. The protests acquired a much strong communist inclination and Longs Share Our Wealth organization promoting wealth redistribution attracted increasing support28 whilst on Labour Day the textile workers carried out the largest strike ever in America. However, these threats were effectively handled by the government by force in the case of major strikes29; and the general public continued to fear Communist, which meant that no critical threat developed. Also, by adopting a more left-wing approach to the economy, the New Deal managed to undercut radical reforms30 destroying the attractiveness of radical parties. The development of left-wing radicalism can be explained by de Tocquevilles theory that evils become intolerable when avenues of escape are opened31; when the workers were given certain privileges, they began to want more. Hence, if the New Deal is to be acclaimed for handling a political threat to Liberal Democracy, it can only be with respect to the threat it generated itself. This is further supported by the argument that the New Deal created a real threat of dictatorship on Roosevelt part, since, as James Farley notes the presidents attempt to dominate his party indicated his thirst for personal power32 and some congress members genuinely feared his despotism33. Hence, major threat to Liberal Democracy was that of economic collapse, and it is by preventing such a development that the New Deal can claim to have saved the system. However, the issue is far more controversial, so let us now examine the economic policies of the New Deal and determine their influences. During the first hundred days, Roosevelt passed several important pieces of economic legislation; first was the Emergency Banking Act. This in effect revived the collapsing banking system and induced confidence in the population that banks were now safe34, thus being a crucial development as it inspired the general population with faith that the economic depression was about to end and re-established normal monetary relations within the country. Roosevelts next move was to balance by budget by means of the Economy Act; this reassured the business community of Roosevelts fiscal conservatism, and thus promoted the restoration of business relations. He then managed to counter deflation by taking America off the gold standard35, passed the National Recovery Act proposing minimal wages and maximum working hours, established the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission to oversee the stock market and introduced the Tennessee Valley Authority which was aimed at generating both electricity fo r the South and employment opportunities36. 23 Ibid. p. 26 24 Ibid. p. 25 25 Ibid. p. 30 26 Ibid. p. 27 27 Badger p. 303 28 Leuchtenburg p. 98 29 Ibid. p. 113 30 Auerbach p. 23 31 Auerbach p. 24 32 Leuchtenburg p. 278 33 Milkis p. 483 34 Leuchtenburg p. 43 35 Ibid. p. 51 36 Ibid. p. 54 Since one of the major problems caused by the depression was the plight in agriculture, the first hundred days also saw the introduction of the Agricultural Adjustment Act; this aimed to increase crop prices37, and protect farmers from uncertainties by subsidies. Though successful in bringing relative stability and prosperity to the farming community farm income rose by 50% during Roosevelts firm term38 and rural debt decreased the Act was a controversy due to the methods it employed. Crop destruction and the slaughtering of livestock to raise prices39 at a time when many families could not afford food, was seen by some as anti-social and overly-capitalist. In general, the first hundred days brought economic recovery, and saved the economy from collapse. However, not all projects were completely successful, e.g. the National Recovery Act was violated by many enterprises, and most of the changes did not in any way permanently alter the economic structure, which allowed for the same problems that caused the depression to arise later. Also, the withdrawal of capital from the economy into reserve funds may be helped to prologue the depression40. In did however induce a variety of stabilizers into the economy41 and introduced one lasting strategy the establishment of the federal government in the role of a broker and arbitrator between the different competing interest groups thus promoting private enterprise and completion, as well as succeeded in improving the overall working conditions42. One can claim that by saving America from collapse the first hundred days of the New Deal proved that democratic reform represented a viable alternative to totalitarianism43 thereby saving liberal democracy. However, one must keep in mind that it was economic recovery, not the saving of liberal democracy which was the main driving force behind the legislations. One must also consider that the success of the first hundred days was however short-lasting, and in 1937 the economy again plunged into recession after a period of revival. The economic situation deteriorated to such an extent that some of the population faced starvation44 and the problems of unemployment, though reduced, presisted. This was partly due to the failure of certain policies in the long-term, which were rather successful in the short term; in other words, the New Deal did not introduced any economic changes that would be far-reaching enough as to change the cyclic nature of the economy45 and thus did not prevent the natural recession of mid-1937. At this point it is vital to stress the importance of the Second World War for the American economy. Since the New Deal largely failed in the long term, one could easily expect that the economic problems and unemployment would persist unsolved for many years to come; the sole reason why this did not happen was the start of the Se cond World War. The war forced the government to allow large expenditures and provided an impetus for economic activity, growth and recovery (for the first time unemployment figures fell to less than 2 million) ultimately, the economic demands of the war provided demand for many industries, rising their levels of production and dragging capital into the economy. Final recovery from the depression was thus only achieved during the war, and many argue that without the opportunities that it presented, the economy under the New Deal would not be able to fully recover; A. L Hamby claims that had not World War II intervened à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ the New Deal might well have been considered a failure46. However, one must not underestimate the importance of the New Deal in developing the economy to a stage where it could take effective advantage of the opportunities provided by the war. In effect, the New Deal and the Second World War were two essential steps towards total recovery which could on ly be completely when coupled. Now let us briefly look at the relation between the New Deal and policies that preceded it; many argue that the New Deal was a continuation of the Progressives policies from the before the First World War; this argument is supported by the fact that the government included many old progressives such as Roosevelt himself, and many of the policies, namely the Social Security Act carried a great degree of resemblance to the welfare policies that were being introduced under the progressives47. However, this view by and large 37 Louchheim p. 237 38 Ibid p. 237 39 Leuchtenburg p. 73 40 Louchheim p. 151 41 Hamby p. 4 42 Leuchtenburg p. 69 43 Hamby p. 5 44 Leuchtenburg p. 249 45 Ibid. p. 265 46 Hamby p. 8 47 Ibid. p. 2 incorrect since the Progressives were closely associated with the laissez-faire which the New Deal abandoned, and were motivated in their welfare policies by Victorian humanitarianism48, whereas the New Deal politicians adopted their policies out of economic necessity and liberal considerations. The New Deal differed from the programs of the Hoover administration too, since it was not limited by narrow ideological vision and could embark on rather more radical policies49 which was essential if the economy was to be saved from collapse. Now let us conclusively assess the influence of the New Deal on Liberal Democracy. The New Deal was introduced as response to an economic depression and its policies were thus targeted at solving immediate economic problems rather than saving Liberal Democracy; thus the aims of the New Deal were not liberal. It was only the welfare policies introduced under the New Deal which were of a liberal nature, and even those were adopted out of necessity rather than because of ideological considerations. However, it is correct to acknowledge that the New Deal clearly saved the faith in liberal democracy by proving that a democratic government can fight an economic crisis successfully; it significantly revived the economy and in W. Leuchtenburgs view saved capitalism50 in America. Saving that the New Deal saved Capitalism rather than Liberal Democracy more correct also for the reason that whilst capitalism was threatened by the deteriorating economic depression, Liberal Democracy did not face any significant political threats thanks to the firm democratic tradition. However, if you accept the assumption that capitalism and a prosperous economy are essential foundations for a liberal democratic society, then it is fair to claim that to a large extent the New Deal helped prevent the collapse of the liberal democratic system in America.